Nov 02

Quantum Satis

Imagine a politician released research proving their arguments on a point of public controversy.

Imagine every journalist in Ireland knew the research was faulty.

Let’s go further. Imagine the paper looked like a work of fiction, and it appeared the academics who carried out the research did not exist.

There’s be uproar, right?

Pat Kenny would have a chat with Fergal Keane, who would explain in detail his futile efforts to track down fictional academics.

Tabloids would use words like Scam, probably incorporated in a clever pun on the name of the party or politician.

The Irish Times, more reserved, would print a lengthy editorial deploring the cheapening of public discourse.

Which brings us to Quantum Research.

Quantum is a market research company, but only seems to have one client: The Sunday Independent.

The only company of that name listed at the CRO renamed some time ago, and are the Irish subsidiary of an American electronics firm. Nothing to do with opinion polls.

Several companies and business names include the word “Quantum”, ranging from car repairs to management training, but not market research.

Quantum doesn’t exist.

Online, their research is derided. In mass media, not so much.

All very odd.

Postscript: According to Wikipedia, The specification of quantum satis for an ingredient essentially means  “Add as much of this ingredient as is needed to achieve the desired result, but not more.”

Oct 27

Get the feeling we didn’t hear enough about the referendums?

From Marian Finucane on RTE Radio One last Saturday, Fergal Keane:

Maybe referendums just aren’t that much fun.

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Oct 23

Decline and Fall or Brave New World?

Last night, thejournal.ie won the Best Online Only Publication at the Irish Web Awards. Congratulations.

The award led to some reaction online, with journalist Philip Nolan observing: “So, let me get this straight. Traditional media spends millions on journalism but if you aggregate that content, you get an #iwa award.”

This in turn prompted debate on old and new media, whether aggregators benefited publishers by linking to original reports, and the future of print.

I worked for a while in online news earlier this year. As a journalist, my first instinct is to report, creating original stories. Online, the pressure is to create content, often rewriting reports from elsewhere since the small numbers in most web operations make reporting an expensive luxury.

But if new media “feeds for 90%” of its copy on traditional outlets, as Nolan said, and print is declining, what happens to new media when there’s no more print to copy?

Irish newspapers employ journalists in the hundreds. All of that content supports one Irish online news outlet, thejournal.ie, employing fewer than ten journalists as far as I can tell.

Unless someone figures out a way to finance a lot more online jobs, journalism will be impoverished.

Binary future? Image via MorgueFile

Oct 19

Light relief

The schedule at the Smithwick tribunal is predictable; two hours of evidence from 11am to 1pm, and two more from 2pm to 4pm.

Today, the schedule was out of kilter. The morning witness finished early, so the tribunal broke for lunch at 12.30pm. That meant they were returned 30 minutes early at 1.30pm.

The first afternoon witness didn’t take too long, then Kevin Myers took the stand. You can read reports of his evidence elsewhere.

Myers was challenged at length by barrister Jim O’Callaghan, who represents Owen Corrigan.

Corrigan, an ex-garda, denies he leaked information to the IRA, and a 2000 Myers column Myers played a key role in events leading to the tribunal.

At 4.20pm, judge Peter Smithwick asked how muc longer O’Callaghan would be. The stenographer had been working for three solid hours, and other barristers were waiting their turn.

Ten minutes, O’Callaghan promised.

Myers took the opportunity to mention his car, parked outside, and wonder if one of the assembled lawyers would be so kind as to feed the parking meter.

“I’m sure the gardai won’t clamp you this time,” O’Callaghan joked.

Seconds later, a police siren could be heard outside.

“That’s probably my car,” Myers joked.

Kevin Myers arrives at the Smithwick tribunal, or The Blurry Limits of Smartphone Photography. © Faduda

Oct 18

Below average

While I wait for Sinn Féin TDs and senators to get back to me, and consider my response to SIPO’s recent communications, a little something to tide you over if you’ve been following the “average wage” saga.

Here’s a Sinn Féin press release about MPs’ expenses: “Sinn Féin MPs, like all party members who are paid a wage, receive exactly the same average industrial wage which is £356 per week, net.”

[Note the release is over two years old, so the figure of £356 may have changed in the meantime.]

And on a similar note, from Mary Lou McDonald: “I, like all Sinn Fein elected representatives and workers, am paid the average industrial wage from my salary.”

Now here’s a comment posted in response to an article I wrote here: “When I was last getting a SF salary (about 5 years ago) the wage all got was circa £21k. I doubt it has changed much. It was before tax.”

Five years ago, in 2006, the average wage was €29910. [Source: CSO].

Assuming the comment is accurate, either Sinn Féin’s numbers were a bit off for the average wage in 2006, or some average wages were more equal than others.

Oct 14

Irrational, unreasonable and perverse

During the lengthy wait between my first questions to Sinn Féin about the average wage and their reply, I wrote to SIPO.

I asked the Standards Commission to look into inconsistencies between Sinn Féin statements and reporting requirements.

“If a TD decides to spend part or all of his/her salary on the provision of constituency offices or employing staff for whatever reason, it is not a matter for the Standards Commission,” SIPO replied. “However, if a TD gives/donates… to a political party … the recipient is obliged to disclose that donation.”

So if a TD employs someone, it’s legal, but if the party employs the same worker, it has to be declared.

That seems clear enough.

Except Martin McGuinness said recently of his salary “I don’t see it. It goes straight into a Sinn Fein account.”

Given uniform statements from Sinn Féin members, it’s probable all TD salaries go “straight into a Sinn Féin account.”

And given how quickly SIPO replied to my letter, I doubt they contacted any TD to ask how many constituency workers they personally employed.

I’m still mulling my response to SIPO, but on the facts to date, it strikes me as irrational, unreasonable and perverse.

 

SIPO on Sinn Féin statements regarding average wage and donations

Oct 12

Missing witnesses

On 7 June 2011, the Smithwick tribunal outlined 214 witnesses they planned to call to give evidence: 107 serving and former gardaí, 42 serving and former RUC/PSNI officers, and 65 civilians.

Meanwhile, an exchange of letters between tribunal chairman Peter Smithwick and justice minister Alan Shatter was published. In brief, Shatter wanted the tribunal to finish as quickly as possible, Smithwick objected.

In a 27 May letter, Smithwick worried “the effect of a public deadline is to indicate to parties who may have an interest in frustrating the work of the tribunal that they need only withhold cooperation for a few months more in order to achieve their objectives.”

By 29 June, Smithwick had heard evidence from 29 witnesses, and hoped to hear from 115 others, a drop of 70, from 214 to 144.

By 7 October, the chairman had heard evidence from 83 garda witnesses, 14 RUC/PSNI, seven civilians, two members of the British Army, and one politician. There remained 40 witnesses. Total: 147.

Since Shatter went public with his deadline, the tribunal lost 67 witnesses. Last Friday, Smithwick got an extension to the end of May. Will he have enough time to persuade those witnesses to give evidence?

Smithwick tribunal

Oct 05

No records to display

Martin McGuinness published bank statements today, showing he only takes  £1605 from Sinn Féin each month. The accounts give some fascinating insights into his shopping behaviour. Who knew the deputy first minister was such a fan of Asda? And while his fondness for TK Maxx might be understandable, it’s difficult to picture him browsing through the wares on display in Vero Moda.

McGuinness seems to have few domestic concerns. There’s no sign of a phone or electricity bill, for example. That said, there are some unitemised credit card bills. Maybe he charges the utilities to plastic, and pays off the card at the end of the month.

But what happens to the rest of Martin’s money? Well, it goes to Sinn Féin, so the story goes. The deputy first minister earns £111,183, and even after taxes, that’s a nice little bonus for Sinn Féin.

I was curious exactly how much that bonus came to, so I had a look at the Electoral Commission website.

In case you can’t make it out, when I searched for political donations from Martin McGuinness, the search engine returned “no records to display”.

No record to display

Maybe he spelled his name As Gaeilge on the donation form.

Oct 02

Opening the books

A chara,

In light of the statement by Martin McGuinness on Newstalk this morning regarding his income, that he is “willing to allow my bank account to be opened and I’m sure Sinn Fein are willing to allow their bank accounts to be opened to show that that is the case“, could I bring to your attention once again this email which I originally sent to you on 19 September, and to which I have yet to receive a reply.

While I have received some information in answer to these questions from senator David Cullinane, Twitter is limited by its 140 character constraint, so I would appreciate answers in fuller form.

I look forward to hearing from you soon, in line with the sentiment expressed by Mr McGuinness.

——– Forwarded Message ——–
From: Gerard Cunningham
To: Sinn Féin Press Office
Subject: Average industrial wage
Date: Mon, 19 September 2011

In light of the declaration yesterday by Martin McGuinness about drawing the average industrial wage if elected as President, I’ve been looking at the statements by several Sinn Féin TDs to do the same thing, and would like the answers to some questions.

How does Sinn Féin calculate the “average wage?” Depending on where I look on the Central Statistics Office website, there seem to be several possible “average wage”/average income measures to choose from.

Are TDs and senators paid the average wage before or after tax? That is, if for example the “average wage” is €10,000, does a TD or senator receive €10,000, or a lesser sum reflecting what their after-tax income would be if they were paid a gross sum of €10,000?

Members of the Oireachtas are entitled to claim expenses under various headings. Are Sinn Féin members drawing down these expenses? If so, are these monies also given away, or does the member get the use of them to cover expenses? For example, are TDs paying for their own accommodation in Dublin, phone bills and mileage, or is this paid out of the expenses they are claiming?

Finally, my understanding from questions to Sinn Féin in the past is that monies above the average wage are donated to the party. However, when I contacted SIPO this morning, they were unable to give details of such donations.

Could you therefore please provide me with details of each TD and senator’s donations of monies above the “average industrial wage”, listing the amounts and recipients in each case.

Sinn Fein and the average wage

Sep 26

Difference

On Saturday, Sinn Féin senator David Cullinane was asked where any money above the €530 per week allowance he received from the party went. He replied “into the local constituency employing people who work for the party.”

When I asked the senator David Cullinane where the legislation governing political donations made a distinction between money donated to Sinn Féin headquarters, which has to be declared to SIPO, the Standards in Public Office Commission, and money donated to the party at a constituency level, his answer was “you can spend your money on your constituency office. You are limited in what you can donate directly to a party. Difference.”

Sinn Fein regularly point to their “average wage” commitment. Cullinane’s arrangement is not unique, it is policy followed by all its TDs and senators.

The Electoral Act, 1997, section 22, includes in the definition of a party “a body or association which forms part of such political party, is established by or under the constitution of the political party, or is effectively controlled by the political party or the officers thereof, or has functions conferred on it by or under the constitution of the party. ”

“Donation” means any contribution given for political purposes by any person, whether or not a member of a political party, to a political party, a member of either House of the Oireachtas, a representative in the European Parliament or a candidate at a Dáil, Seanad or European election… [Section 22(2)(a)]

In other words, no difference.

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